Which European Union?: Europe After the Euro Crisis by Sergio Fabbrini

By Sergio Fabbrini

Sergio Fabbrini argues that the eu Union (EU) is made of states pursuing various goals, instead of easily relocating within the similar course at diverse speeds. He describes the choice views at the european (an monetary group, an intergovernmental union, and a parliamentary union), that ended in a number of compromises in its constitution and exhibits how the Euro predicament has known as them into query. The ebook argues new eu political order is critical to house the implications of the obstacle, in response to an institutional differentiation among the ecu member states in simple terms in marketplace co-operation and people advancing in the direction of a real fiscal and financial union. this type of differentiation could enable the latter staff to turn into a political union, conceptualised as a compound union of states and voters, whereas retaining a revised framework of a unmarried industry within which either teams of states can take part.

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The SEA celebrated the four freedoms that define the single market: freedom of movement for goods, services, capital and people. The 1970s rulings of the ECJ on mutual recognition triggered the process that led to the SEA. Indeed, “the SEA announces a paradigmatic shift from harmonizing member states’ national legislation towards liberalization based on the principle of mutual recognition” (Leuffen, Rittberger and Schimmelfennig 2013: 116). In order to achieve the objective of a single market, the SEA introduced new institutional provisions.

The EU is the outcome of choices made by national elites and supranational actors for peacefully aggregating nation states of different demographic size, historical identity and political cultures. The crucial choices were made at critical junctures, as in the first half of the 1950s, in the first years of the 1990s and then at the start of the 2010s. ” This means that the EU is the sum of the choices taken by actors with decision-making power in those crisis periods conceptualized as critical junctures.

Whereas the intergovernmental union relies on the predominant decision-making role of the European Council and Council, allowing legitimacy to be mainly institutionalized at the national level, the parliamentary union stresses the predominant decision-making role of the EP and the Commission, thus bringing legitimacy at the level where decisions are taken. Each perspective misses a crucial point: the former underestimates the role of the EP (and downsizes the role of the Commission and the ECJ); the latter underestimates the role of national governments operating within the intergovernmental institutions of the European Council and Council.

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